Full transcript of “PESTA BABI: Kolonialisme di Zaman Kita - (Official Full Movie)”. Click a timestamp to open the video at that moment. Need another video? Use the YouTube transcript generator.
0:27 This 17 meter long swamp ironwood is being prepared to make a cross. Given its length, who would be crucified? Whoever it is... ...it's definitely something or someone greater than these people. But Franky Woro, Kasimilus Awe, and the Awyu community in South Papua... ...would not harm anyone. They use this cross as a form of resistance. They indeed resist someone so powerful...
1:17 ...the government of the Republic of Indonesia. The government aims to take two and a half million hectares of Papuans' forest... ...for industrial food and energy projects. A hundred kilometers from the Awyus' red crosses to the east the Muyus are preparing their own movement. This one is in the form of a feast. The Kimko Jinipjo clan has been preparing this feast for ten years.
2:05 The central figure of the clan is Wilem Kimko. A papuan who has no identity card or formal citizenship of any nation-states. Authentic feasts like this... ...are becoming rare nowadays. Not only in Papua... ...but also in Melanesia and across the Pacific. I always worry that my children and future generations might one day be driven out like animals that fear is constantly on my mind. There is an idea and a social movement behind this celebration of the Muyu people, just like the red cross movement that was initiated by the Awyu people.
2:53 This cross would be the tallest of the 1,800 red crosses... ...that have been planted by various indigenous groups in South Papua... ...over the past 10 years. Thousands of red crosses standing side by side with customary blockades... ...are a prohibition sign it combines culture and religion. We believe that if we are unable to resolve a problem... ...in this case, preventing a company from entering our land... ....we ask for help from our ancestors and God. On the crosses we inscribed or drew the attributes of war... ...are meant to show that we strictly prohibit anyone from entering or disturbing our territory. If anyone breaches these signs or threatens our ancestral land’s rights...
3:46 ...we are prepared to fight a war. These crosses are not planted in church compounds... ...but rather on customary land and forests... ...in sago groves... ....and in indigenous sacred places. Because these 1,800 crosses and customary blockades are not simply religious symbols They are aimed at preventing the government and companies... ...from entering their customary land and forests. - Papua… - is not empty land. In this age of TikTok, we wanted to tell everything through a short film.
4:42 But we clearly failed. PIG FEAST Colonialism in Our Time
5:31 On this planet, most of the remaining tropical rainforests belong to five countries: Democratic Republic of Congo, Brazil, Peru, Bolivia, and Indonesia. In Indonesia, the only island with intact forests is Papua. It is the second largest island in the world after Greenland. Through a long history of colonialism, this island is now controlled by two countries: The western half called West Papua, is controlled by Indonesia. The eastern half becomes Papua New Guinea. And on the Indonesian side, right at the border...
6:17 ....the world’s largest planned deforestation project is currently underway. The Indonesian government is clearing more than 2.5 million hectares of forest... ...for oil palm, sugar cane, rice, and cattle ranching. Labeled as the National Strategic Project for Food and Energy... ...this project has been the ambition of three presidents. The largest portion of this forest,1.3 million hectares, will be converted into rice fields. 560,000 hectares is alocated for sugar cane to produce sugar and bioethanol.
7:07 The plan is that every liter of gasoline in Indonesia will be blended with 10 percent of bioethanol, known as E-10. Ten companies are involved in this project... ...and all owned by the same family. There are also 400,000 hectares for palm oil plantations, for biodisel. The target is to blend diesel fuel with 50% of palm oil, known as B-50. Finally, the government will convert 380,000 hectares of forest land for cattle ranching. So, what's wrong with this food and energy project?
7:56 Five indigenous papuans in this film will answer this question. Ilwayab District The first is Yasinta Moiwend of the Marind-Anim community. Yasinta and the residents of the Ilwayab District in Merauke, have become victims of the project. Their forests and swamps, which provide food and livelihoods... ...have been destroyed. A 135-kilometer road is being built. And on both sides of the roads, one million hectares of rice fields will be created.
8:42 They find it difficult to resist or oppose. The cross has been moved aside, yet they still come with weapons. As the project is guarded by the Indonesian military. ...various kinds of weapons... Tanah Miring District The second is Natalis Buer from Tanah Miring District, Merauke. This millennial farmer feels neglected. After his community’s forest was converted into rice fields a couple of years ago... ...some of the fields were left unused. Indigenous Papuans like Natalis...
9:27 ...lack the capital to engage in intensive rice cultivation to purchase seeds and... ...fertilizers, and to pay for maintenance and harvest. Jagebob District The third figure is Vincen Kwipalo from the Yei-Nan community... ...in Jagebob District, Merauke. Vincen and the Yei community are currently under attack. Their customary forests are being destroyed... ...for sugar and bioethanol plantations. The Land owned by the Indonesian Army. Their land is also being seized for military headquarters. The troops who will guard these food and energy projects.
10:13 Fofi District The fourth is Franky Woro from the Awyu community... ...in Fofi District, Boven Digoel Regency. Their forests and land are threatened by the expansion of oil palm plantations... ...for the B-50 biodiesel blend. The Awyu people are potential victims. They are among the pioneers of the blockades... ...and red crosses movements. They use crosses as form of resistance, despite being seen in confrontation with the local bishop... ...which in their experience is more supportive of the government and corporations They are even planning to plant a much larger cross
11:03 "This Land Belongs to the Sonu Sobu Subang"... ...meaning that this land was created by God... ...and given to our ancestors as inheritance; then to us... ...this is only a right to take care. Woropko District The fifth figure is Wilem Kimko from the Muyu community in Boven Digoel Regency. This Muyu leader lives on the periphery of the state's projects... ...and therefore has not yet become a victim. However, Wilem and his community are preparing for a worst-case possibility. Living in the jungle and near the border of two states... ...some of the community members do not have formal citizenship. But they have lived here...
11:50 ...long before the existence of the states of Indonesia and Papua New Guinea. These five represent millions of indigenous Papuans... ...whose very existence and survival are currently threatened. If we feel that the obliteration of civilization of the Neanderthals in Europe.. ...the Aztecs and Incas in the Americas... ...the systemic marginalization of the Aborigines in Australia... ...is history of the past... ...this film shows how the obliteration of a nation and the destruction of a civilization... ...is happening right in now in our own lifetime. An obliteration caused not only by environmental and habitat destruction... ...but also due to 60 years of military operation.
12:59 Who is threatened Franky Woro and the Awyu people are hunting. But their hunting grounds... ...are about to be taken over by a oil palm plantation company. We're heading to Inabusui... ...which is now designated as the concession area... ...of the Indo Asiana Lestari (IAL) company. They've conducted surveys there...
13:48 ...and we've installed red crosses and customary blockades. We wanted to catch a boar, but the big one ran away. We were too late to catch it. That's why we only caught the small one.
14:47 This is Bintangur tree. We use this tree to make boats. We also use its bark (Bintangur tree) the tree also produces latex. We use it as a glue to make arrows. The forest is like a supermarket for the Awyu community. It's also a food barn or a bank to deposit wealth. The forest is also a place with rich history... ...sacred places... ...and sites of cultural significance. These are what they are defending... ...from the encroachment by the government and companies. For all these reasons...
15:34 ...they have plant thousands of red crosses. From the village... ...his community member informed Franky of intimidation by the military personnel... ...demanding them to release their land to the palm oil company... ...and stop installing the customary markings and red crosses. The preparations for cross planting and customary blockades in several locations are ready. However, there is an emergency here... ...in Sohokango. Damai Timber company... ...intimidated me... ...with violence and using security personnel.
16:20 I've already made a statement of rejection to the company... ...but they're keep coming with military and police... ...forcing me to surrender my land and accept the company. The land belongs to 15 clans there, but not all of them agree (to release the land). Franky: We'll see which clans accept it and which clans reject it. We'll consider that and invite them to talk with us. As an active figure in the movement, Awyu communities continue to provide field information to Franky...
17:05 ...who is not always in the village. They forced me to sign several documents of permit... ...but I haven't signed them yet. I keep all the documents. Yeah, I see. Yes, that's good, because signing is dangerous. Signing any paper is very dangerous... because with today's modern and sophisticated technology... ...they can use it for fraud. Those people usually manipulate the community's signatures. Correct. The military officer from Fofi also came to force our clan to accept the company...
17:53 ...but we already refused yesterday. That's the military strategy they're using now. What's important is... ...which communities are truly willing to reject the company... ...and are ready to resist with us. And which chief willing to speak about their position. This is the map of the oil palm concession for biodiesel... ...under the National Strategic Project. Here in the Fofi District... ...the Awyu people rely on the rivers and forests for their livelihood. Franky in boven digoel still appears to be a bit luckier.
18:38 At least in compared to Yasinta Moiwend in Merauke... ...who has lost her forests and swamps. The Victim Ilwayab District Yasinta, a member of the indigenous Marind community... ...is a vegetable farmer in Wanam Village... ...Ilwayab District, Merauke Regency. Using the available land... ...she grows vegetables and sells the harvest at the local market. This is the cash economy of Wanam’s resident. They grow crops to earn money... ...then use it to buy necessities they cannot produce themselves.
19:26 But their real livelihoods rely on the forest and swamp ecosystems. These are their main source of food and the foundation of their culture. Unfortunately, this harmony was suddenly disturbed... ...when suddenly, in July 2024... ...hundreds of bulldozers arrived at Wanam port... ...for a government food and energy project. We, the local people, had no idea. We were shocked... ...very early in the morning, the ship already arrived at our port.
20:19 Yasinta Moiwend, as well Enrika Gebze, and other residents... ...were never asked or consulted... ...as if Papua were an empty land. We were shocked when they suddenly arrived with heavy equipment... ...and began dismantling the forest on people's land. Along with the heavy equipment... ...Indonesian soldiers also arrived to guard the clearing of Yasinta’s forest. Stay strong! Shake it off!
21:09 Those 2,000 units of heavy equipment were brought from China to Papua... ...by the Jhonlin Group... ...the government's contractor. This is believed to be the world's largest excavator order... ...with a total value of approximately 240 million US Dollars. The mission is to clear the Marind’s forests and swamps. One of the targets is to build a 135-kilometer road. Rice fields will be created along both sides... ...targeting 1.3 million hectares of indigenous territory. This straight-line road is not a traditional economic route for the local community. It will connect oil palm and sugarcane plantations in the east. It will also be used for military mobilization.
21:55 Jhonlin Group is owned by Andi Syamsudin Arsyad, also known as Haji Isam. Some people know him as a businessman who is passionate about car racing. But in Kalimantan or Borneo, he operates businesses in coal, oil palm plantations... ...rubber processing, aviation, shipping, and biodiesel. Jhonlin Group is now also the owner of the largest sugarcane plantation... ...and sugar mill in Indonesia. Their wings have spread to Bombana, Southeast Sulawesi. It is also sugarcane plantations, sugar factories, and the bioethanol industry...
22:42 ...that are now being developed in Papua. This photo shows Isam, along with his relatives... ...the Minister of Agriculture Amran Sulaiman, and the Minister of Defense Sjafrie Sjamsoeddin... ...launching the B-50 biodiesel program in South Kalimantan. B-50 means that every liter of diesel-fuel will be blended with 50 percent palm oil. His company, PT Jhonlin Agro Raya, is one of the player. Throughout 2025, shares of Jhonlin Agro Raya, Ltd increased by 700 percent.
23:30 His other palm oil company, Pradiksi Gunatama Ltd... ...had its shares rise by 4,000 percent in just one year. Based on the value of these shares alone... ...the wealth of the Isam family is estimated at over 6 million US Dollars. It makes them one of the wealthiest families in Indonesia... ...and a key player in the bioenergy industry. And it is here, in South Papua... ...that some of the oil palm plantations supporting the B-50 program... ...will be established. This is the land of the Wambon, Muyu, Marind, Yei... ...and Awyu people, like Franky Woro. Haji Isam was a member of President Joko Widodo's National Campaign Team...
24:17 ...during the 2019 election, when Joko Widodo ran against General Prabowo. The Bintang Mahaputra Utama was conferred upon Andi Syamsudin Arsyad. He has rendered outstanding service in advancing regional and national economic growth. After becoming president in the 2024 election... ...Prabowo conferred the honorary title Bintang Mahaputra Utama on Isam. Several relatives... ...and those who have worked for Isam’s companies. These are the powerful actors that Yasinta has to face in Wanam Village, Merauke.
25:07 The same for other female farmers like Enrika Gebze. Our land has been destroyed. We used to walk from here to there... ...fishing and gathering food. Those places are for hunting boars and deers. They're gone now. This footage shows... ...how cassowaries are losing their homes in cleared forests and swamps.
26:02 The military's involvement in the food and energy project in Papua... ...is justified by the pretext that the threat to the nation... ... is no longer limited to military warfare... ...but extends to food and energy security. The Ministry of Defense is also involved... ...because this project is considered a military operation other than war. So your job is... ...to safeguard the national food reserves. Various kind of weapons, green berets on... The food and energy estate adds to the indonesia’s long-list of reasons... ...to sustain military operations in West Papua over the past 60 years. Currently, there are 56,000 Indonesian troops in West Papua.
26:52 Meaning one soldier for every 100 Papuans. Much higher than the national average of... ...one soldier per 696 citizens. That doesn't include the police. It means that each Papuan... ...is guarded by far more weapons than the average Indonesian citizen. Indigenous land and forests have been taken unilaterally... ...for the construction of a military battalion... ...and a spaceport. This constitutes a violation of indigenous peoples’ rights. The refusal against the construction of military bases and post... ...occur in multiple locations across Papua. Not only because of trauma and fear... ...but also because they take indigenous land.
27:47 One of the reasons that the military proposes for establishing more bases and post is... ...that there has been ongoing resistance by the Papuan pro-independence movement or OPM... ...in the last 50 years. Fire! However, the OPM's military strength... ...is estimated at just 1,430 personnel... ...and 360 weapons. The rest use traditional arms. Thus, the military and police force in Papua... ...is 58 times larger... ...than the Free Papua Movement or OPM guerrillas.
28:55 Some soldiers are on the front lines of battle. While most others handle non-combat operations... ...such as guarding government's projects and private investment. The Territorial Infantry Battalion for Development... ...in Jagebob, Merauke is an example. The headquarters of the battalion is adjacent to the sugarcane and bioethanol concession... ...owned by Murni Nusantara Mandiri Ltd. The construction of both the company and the battalion headquarters... ...is done by seizing forest land belonging to the Yei people... ...of the Kwipalo clan. The military came... ...and put up this signboard. Victor Kwipalo tells us what's happening. We were shocked.
29:42 This signboard... ...this ownership signboard is put on the land that is not theirs. This is our land, our forest. This land belongs to the Kwipalo clan. Kwipalo's clan belonging. After installing the signboard... ...heavy equipment began clearing... ...to build a military base on the Yei land. The establishment of an Indonesian military post... ...worries the residents. Why are you scared? Life in this village is safe now.
30:28 Why do we need to set up a military headquarters here? Wouldn't having a military around make it safer? There are soldiers here. Oh, I don't believe this village is safe with the soldiers here. People will get beaten. We prefer to keep life as it is now... ...my people are safe and thriving. Have you ever had any negative experiences... ...with the military in this area? Someone told me... ...there used to be military posts nearby. It really is sad. People were mistreated, beaten... ...forced into service, and made to participate in their activities. They wouldn't wait.
31:13 They didn't understand that harvesting sago takes time. When they arrived late, people were dragged or beaten. Indonesian military operations in West Papua... ...began in 1962 with Trikora Operation. But, the first armed resistance in West Papua... ...did not occur until 1965 in Manokwari. Sukarno: On May 1st... at 12:30 p.m. West Irian's (West Papua) government will absolutely... ...fall under Indonesian control.
32:02 Since then, for 60 years now... ...the waves of military operations to conquer Papua have continued. Military Operation List in Papua One of the bloodiest military operations... ...was the Wibawa Operation... ...which secure Indonesia's victory in the 1969 referendum. 643 people were killed in Paniai alone. Another bloody operation took place in 1977 and 1978 in which 4146 Papuans were killed. These military operations have triggered waves of Internally Displaced Persons or IDPs... ...it continues to this day.
32:48 The Papuan Church Council reported... 103,000 IDPs in 2025... ...a tragedy that is barely covered by Jakarta-based media. Nduga has the highest number of IDPs... ...with 20,000 people were forced to flee their homes. Many of them are pregnant... ...including Jubiana... ...one of the IDPs from Nduga. After sleeping in the cave... ... I saw an empty house. So I went there to give birth. On the way to the house... ...I met an old man, and he called out to me. Even a pig needs a place to give birth, let alone a human.
33:33 I was offered a place to give birth in a village. But because I was afraid, I kept walking into the forest. I kept walking in agony, and the baby wasn't born yet. Then, I saw a temporary emergency shelter. I went in, but still I couldn't give birth because it wasn't my due date yet. I thought I might die with the baby inside me. It wasn't until March or April that I finally gave birth. Jubiana then named her baby: Pengungsi (refugee) Kogoya.
34:19 Besides Jubiana, there's also Ema from Maybrat who gave birth in the forest. When I arrived in this village... ...they said there were soldiers building a bridge there. I was already exhausted, but when I heard that, I endured the pain... and went back into the forest. I fell and landed in the log. My whole body ached. Her full name is.. Domika Sherly Pengungsi (refugee) Wako. The civilians... ...from Aitrem Village are fleeing... ...because their village is currently under control... ... by the Indonesian Armed Forces and the Police. The hundreds of thousands of IDPs in Papua today... ...far exceed the 10,000 who fled to Papua New Guinea in 1984...
35:08 ...to escape military operations. Alongside the military operations Papua's natural resources have been exploited... ...starting with the arrival of the Freeport gold and copper mine in 1967. This was followed by the establishment of palm oil plantations... ...in the early 1980s. Also, the poaching of crocodiles for their skins. There was also the exploitation of natural gas in Bintuni Bay, the rush for agarwood, and the clearing of the forest for industrial timber. Furthermore, the poaching and trade of... ...arowana fish in Southern Papua,
35:55 the logging of Merbau wood from the Jayapura forests, the gold mining of the Wabu Intan Jaya Block, and also the extraction of nickel from the beautiful small islands of Raja Ampat. And now, on an unprecedented scale, Papua is being forced to cultivate rice, sugarcane for bioethanol, and palm oil for biodiesel.
36:47 Jagebob District This is what is currently happening to the families of... ...Vincen and Victor Kwipalo in Merauke. Their forest land is being taken over... ...for a military base and a plantation company... ...owned by Murni Nusantara Mandiri Ltd. This is one of the 10 companies... ...granted concession to grow sugarcane... ...and produce sugar and bioethanol, ...on 52,000 hectares of Yei teritory. This company is accused of taking... ...forest land belonging to the Yei people, Including the Kwipalo clan,
37:34 who hold customary rights to 2,300 hectares of land within concession. The military. What? Oh, yes, the military.
38:20 The Kwipalo family is checking... …whether the company still threatens to seize their land. And their concern is confirmed. As I said, they're close, they've already entered the border of our land. This is the forest they're clearing now. You can hear the sound of heavy equipment, right? That means they're close. Very close. There used to be coconut trees on this old path, this footpath. From the air... ...heavy equipment could be seen getting closer to the land of the the Kwipalo clan.
39:36 The next day, Victor Kwipalo and his relatives put customary markers with red color... ...on the trees bordering their land. But the company ignores this customary warning sign. Two months later, the company still enters the Kwipalo clan's land. Be patient, be patient. We're human, you see! We are deeply hurt by your actions! You have hands, we have hands too,
40:22 just different hair. That "mister" (referring to the Korean guy) too.
41:25 So that is why, as I said earlier, I ask myself: would it be better if we did not exist at all? Or what should we do? Should we separate? Should we leave this country? Even that aside, just yesterday I spoke with battalion commander. They came to see me about the issue with the regional military command. I told him, maybe it would be better for me to seek refuge in Papua New Guinea. He said, “Father, don’t say that.” But truly, if we are not respected, that is the choice I would make. It would be better for me to leave this place, to seek refuge in Papua New Guinea, our neighboring country.
42:13 But I told the local police chief, “Sir, this coming August 17 I will not raise the red-and-white flag. I will place it on the table instead. I have the flag.” Because in my mind, what is the point of feeling that we live under the red and white, if in reality the red and white does not protect us, does not recognize us as its people. It is the symbol of the state, and we respect that symbol. But it turns out that living under this symbol does not mean we are protected. Our rights are not respected.
43:19 The Kwipalo clan of the Yei people continues to face threats and intimidation... ...to pressure them into giving up their land... ...which is valued at 18 US Dollar per hectare. But they are not selling their land. We will not give up our land. For what reason? There are many traditional medicines in the forest. There also many vegetables. We gather the vegetables that grow naturally. Where will we go if our land is taken? We will just be spectators. We don’t want to live as beggars on the streets. That’s why we refuse to give up our land.
44:09 Maybe others prefer money... ...holding cash to buy things. But if they run out of that money... ...they will be homeless. Where will we find food once the forest is gone? Where else will we find fish to eat... ...if the river is destroyed? - Do we reject? - Reject! Just like Yasinta in Wanam... ...the voices of papuan women are clear and loud... ...so their movement could not be ignored. - Do we reject? - Reject! I am an indigenous woman... ...I refuse investors. I refuse them all for the sake of my children. Whatever happens, I will keep rejecting.
44:55 For this land, I will fight. For my child. The government claims to prioritize Papuan, but in reality... ...most workers are Javanese. I'm Javanese myself, but I don't mean to speak negatively. The reality is that Papuans are deliberately left behind. They're not given the proper priority. The Food Estate project, such as for rice cultivation... ...is not without Papuans' interest. The Abandoned Tanah Miring District
45:44 One example is Natalis Buer in Tanah Miring District, Merauke. After clearing the forests, the Indonesian government established rice field for rice farming... That started to replace sago as a staple food. Most of the farmers are transmigrants who arrived in the 1980s. Indeed, there have been transmigrant farmers here since... ...the Dutch established the Kumbe Rice Project in the Kurik District. This spot is often a favorite location for Indonesian officials to showcase rice field in Papua.
46:31 Indeed, Natalis also wanted to learn how to grow rice or cultivate rice paddies. But he struggles because you need money to buy seeds and fertilizer... ... as well for maintenance and for harvest. Then, settlers start to take over these rice paddies. As far as I've seen in our village... ...some of us have joined farmer groups... ...have indeed been involved in land optimization programs (part of the Food Estate Project). But I'm the only native who owns land here; Others don't. The government, in this case the Ministry of Agriculture, together with the Ministry of Defense,
47:18 which in this case, the Indonesian Army... ...provide maximum support to the people, especially in Merauke. - Yesterday, I spent 540 US$. - 540 US$, right? Yes, 540 US$, because the land is no longer being used, so it's an empty land... Papuan women like Filomina also wants to farm. The government provides an initial capital of 54 US$ per hectare... ...through the land optimization program. But, comparing the cost of production with the selling price of unhusked rice Filomina admits she's been repeatedly losing money. She has now decided to stop working her rice fields. - We have to pay for everything ourselves.
48:04 That's right. We buy sacks ourselves. We buy tents. They don't provide this Land Optimization Program? Nothing. Nothing right? They only provided 54 US$. What is that capital for? To cultivate this rice field. From labor to harvest? Yes. That's terrible. That's ridiculous! It is really not enough! That's it, Mama. If the government asks us to plant hectares of sweet potatoes... ...we'd be happy to do it. Please come. We know how to cultivate sweet potatoes... ...and we can do it for good results. But when it comes to planting rice, we're just learning.
48:52 Part of the forest owned by Senayu community in Merauke... ...has been cleared for rice fields and sugarcane plantations by Global Papua Abadi Ltd. This agricultural project is being carried out by the Merauke Military District Command. This community let go of a portion of their land because they wanted to learn how to farm rice. My ancestors didn't teach me how to grow rice. But I want to change. My next generation won't be able to eat sago, bananas, or sweet potatoes in the future. However, Filomina didn't benefit from the various aid promised by the land optimization program. We have to buy everything, herbicides, fertilizers. We have to pay for hand tractors.
49:39 When seeds are not enough, we have to buy. That's why I don't like government programs at all. They're just a complete scam. They feel abandoned... ...they are struggling to learn to farm rice. Meanwhile, food and water sources that were once readily available in the forest and swamps... ...have now been replaced by rice paddies and sugarcane plantations. We used to live comfortably. We could use the water from the river to cook. ...and we could drink it. Now, if we want to cook, there's no clean water.
50:24 The water is now murky, and undrinkable. There are poisonous pesticides. Drones fly around and spray pesticides on the sugarcane plants. I saw that. The drones spread the fertilizer on the soil... ...which then flows into the river, into the swamps. Like rice paddy for the Balinese or Torajans, for the Awyu and other tribes in South Papua... ...sago is more than just food.
51:17 For the Awyu and Marind, sago is a symbol of kinship... ...a symbol of parents, and ancestors that must be cared for and protected. - What are you making, Mama? - Sago pounding Sago is our elder, our ancestor, who sacrificed itself and became the sago tree that sustains us. We are reminded by our ancestors, sago must not be or disturbed or destroyed... ...in any way and for any purpose, this is not permitted.
52:02 You must defend it even if your life is at stake for the safety and existence of sago on this land. According to Natalis, the Jakarta government incorrectly defines food sovereignty as...
52:49 ...just about rice and cultivating paddy fields. Actually, it is not true that Papuans can't farm. We grow sweet potatoes as part of our agriculture. The government's agricultural program should be.. The government should should specify what they mean by agriculture. Is it only rice farming, or does it include sweet potatoes and other crops? It should be made clear. So it doesn't justify the idea that we, the indigenous people, the Marind, can't farm. We are used to making large gardens, hundreds of square meters using shovels rather than excavators. That's the kind of farming we do.
53:37 For Natalis, it's ironic instead of maximizing existing rice fields for Papuan farmers... ...the government clears new forests... ...like that of what the Jhonlin Group is doing, with the military involvement. Yet, the history of military's involvement in the Food Estate Project... ...or rice-field development... ...is a history of repeated failures... ...under four presidents over the past 30 years. The Failed Presidents Papua is not the first food estate project involving the military.
54:22 Kalimantan or Borneo has become a victim 30 years earlier. This is a former forest area in Pulang Pisau, Central Kalimantan. In 1996, President General Suharto, cleared one million hectares of peatland to create rice fields in pursuit of his ambition of rice self-sufficiency. Not food self-sufficiency. Kalimantan's tropical forests were cleared on a scale unprecedented in history. Under the militaristic regime, no one dared to oppose Suharto's wishes, including Dayak people like Kuneng. At that time, we were not able to confront it.
55:10 At that time, we couldn't criticize; any opposing opinion could land us in jail. Or we'd be immediately branded communists? Yes, accused as communists. So we didn't dare to do anything at that time. We just obeyed. If he was told to say "A", it must be "A" A year after that large-scale deforestation, in 1997, Kalimantan experienced its first major land fire and haze disaster in history. To illustrate, this is what the haze looked like in 2015.
56:02 General Suharto's one million hectare rice paddy project failed. The dams and irrigation canals have remained stalled to this day. In May 1998, the General Suharto regime fell... ...two years after he felled millions of hectares of trees in Kalimantan. Every year, this location contributes to fires and haze that harm millions of people. The successful rice fields in Kalimantan were not the ones built by General Suharto. Instead, they were pioneered by transmigrants since the 1980s. These rice fields were also cultivated by the military... ...during the era of President Joko Widodo. And the results of President Jokowi's Food Estate Project...
56:49 It's completely failed, there's no hope anymore. But Jokowi expanded the food estate area... up to 16,000 hectares. President Jokowi assigned the management of this food estate to General Prabowo, who was then Minister of Defense. One of these projects was in Gunung Mas Regency, Central Kalimantan, to open a 31,000-hectare cassava plantation. General Prabowo's cassava Food Estate... ...began by clearing 600 hectares of forest in Tewai Baru. This cassava-for-bioethanol project was also guarded by the military. And like General Suharto, General Prabowo's project also failed.
57:41 With this reputation, Joko Widodo and Prabowo are currently clearing up 2.5 million hectares in Papua. Following General Suharto, President General Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono... ...also attempted to open a food estate in Papua in 2010. It was called... ...the Merauke Integrated Food and Energy Estate or MIFEE. This project also failed. Then, in the same location, Jokowi attempted to continue with a project to create 1.2 million hectares of rice fields... ...which also failed. At present, the most ready area covers 1.2 million hectares.
58:34 And now... ...Prabowo, who once failed with 600 hectares of cassava in Kalimantan... ...is repeating that failure in Papua with a 2.5 million hectare project. Papua must also be planted with oil palms so that it can also produce fuel from palm oil. In food and energy project in Papua... ...the most prominent aspect isn't the food... ...but rather the energy or fuel they produce. Palm oil for biodiesel and sugarcane for the bioethanol industry. Ten companies have been granted concessions for as much as half a million hectares of land for sugarcane And, alas, all ten companies are owned by a single family.
59:25 The Companies Fofi District These Awyu women in Boven Digoel set off to fish. Priska Beni helps prepare the boat. They will gather food in the forest... ...for the upcoming red cross planting ceremony. Priska has taken up her fishing position.
1:00:17 1,800 red crosses have been installed... ...by various indigenous groups in South Papua to deter oil palm and sugarcane companies. Maria Tebung, the youngest among them catches two Gastor fish also known as Toraja snakehead. As a member of Generation Z, she has only completed elementary school. In plantation companies... ...an elementary school certificate only qualifies for manual labor. But she isn't interested. Since our lives rely heavily on nature fishing, hunting,
1:01:03 gathering sago, and catching pigs for food we don't want companies to intrude. Meanwhile, Priska Beni has tried her fortune. But she learned... ...that fishing on the Fofi River... ...is still better... ...than working nine years on an oil palm plantation. I've had a bad experience, so I don't want it. How long have you been working there? 9 years. I just quit the company. After 9 years of working in the plantation, do you have a house? No. Or a motorbike? No. A Johnson motor boat, maybe?
1:01:48 No. my income was not enough. I could not save. I spent it all on food. How many days off a week? No days off. Still working on Sundays? Still working. Can't go to church? No working. The company doesn't recognize religion. At the Korindo oil palm company Priska earned 120 US dollars per month and lived in the employees dormitory. However, about 50 percent of that amount... ...was deducted from her salary for food. Korindo is a corporate group with businesses including...
1:02:35 ...industrial forestry and oil palm plantations in Boven Digoel and Merauke. In Papua, the group operates under the flag of Tunas Sarwa Erma Ltd. This company has provided... ...financial support to the Archdiocese of Merauke. The Archbishop of Merauke recently released a statement endorsing national strategic projects in Papua. Catholics protesting the church's stance were arrested by police. So, you haven't been able to save money for 9 years? No. The money was barely enough for food. I spent it on my children's school fees.
1:03:22 Of that 60 US dollars there was nothing left to save. I've learned from that experience if any company wants to come here, I will say, No! The Supreme Divine Being. This is My Homeland. And for a lunch menu like this it seems impossible for palm oil or sugarcane workers who only earn 120 US dollar per month. Generation Z like Maria Tebung and millennials like Priska Beni have their own economic reasoning.
1:04:11 Whether it's palm oil for biodiesel or sugarcane for bioethanol it doesn't make any difference to them.
1:05:17 The half-million-hectare sugarcane plantation in Merauke is an initiative by three consecutive presidents to boost the use of bioenergy blended with fossil fuels. In addition to food and energy self-sufficiency oil palm must also be planted in Papua to produce fuel. Also, sugarcane and cassava to produce ethanol. Indonesia's bioethanol program is a mandatory government policy requiring gasoline to be blended with plant-based fuel. Similarly the biodiesel program...
1:06:03 ...blends diesel fuel with palm oil. The state's own oil and gas company, Pertamina, currently sells bioethanol fuel with a 5 percent blend marketed under the brand name... ... Pertamax Green 95. But the government aims to increase the blend to 10 percent, or E-10. So, from now on, we will push... ...for E-10. Last night, we had a meeting with the President. And he had approved the plan for a mandatory 10% ethanol blend. The idea is to reduce dependency on imported polluting fossil fuels.
1:06:52 But bioethanol has environmental and social costs including damages to forests, wetlands, and communities Since the E-10 program needs 7.3 billion liters of bioethanol the forest cleared for sugarcane farming might extend to 1.3 million hectares. Indonesia currently has only... ...500 to 600 thousand hectares of sugarcane plantations. It means... ...up to 800,000 hectares of new land are needed... ...to grow sugarcane. Of these, 500 thousand hectares... ...of forest are currently being cleared in Papua. Forests that once provided livelihoods to local communities are now being replaced by plants grown... ...to produce vehicle fuels. The speed of forest recovery
1:07:37 competes with the number and speed of vehicles on the road. The thirst for energy is insatiable. After palm oil for biodiesel the world is now craving cassava, corn, and sugarcane for bioethanol. The Americas, Europe, parts of Africa and even half of Asia are now using bioethanol as a fuel blend. Besides the fight for land, the future of the world is also overshadowed by rising food prices caused by competition between human stomach and vehicle tanks.
1:08:24 This is the location of Murni Nusantara Mandiri company, a sugarcane plantation for bioethanol production. which threatens the land of Vincent Kwipalo and the Yei people in Merauke. A few kilometers south, Global Papua Abadi threatens the land of the Muyu and Marind peoples. These two companies are among... ...10 corporations granted land concessions... ...for sugarcane and bioethanol in Merauke. Their concession boundaries even align with the borders between Indonesia and Papua New Guinea. This indicates that this concession map was drawn up on a desk in Jakarta. This is similar to what the British and Dutch colonizers did when they divided the island of New Guinea with a straight line in the 19th century.
1:09:10 As if Papua... ...were an empty land. The difference is... ...that although this concession map defines the boundaries of 10 companies these companies are actually owned by a single family. These are the names of 9 of the 10 sugarcane and bioethanol companies 99 percent of their shares are owned by a company called... ...Merauke Nusantara Manis Ltd. The remaining one percent is owned by Merauke Gula Mandiri Ltd. However, both companies are owned by Merauke Sugar Group Ltd. This company is 90 percent owned... ...by business person, Angelia Bonaventure Sudirman
1:09:56 together with companies called Zico Trust and Resource Harvest. The remaining 10 percent is controlled by Papua Energi Abadi Ltd. owned by Dudy Christian and Angell Madeleine. Now let's see who they are. Angelia Sudirman is the niece... ...of one of Indonesia's palm oil tycoons, Martias Fangiono. These nine companies in Papua are under the Merauke Sugar Group. And Merauke Sugar Group... ...is just one of seven companies owned by the Fangiono family. This is Martias Fangiono.
1:10:43 Like Haji Isam, Fangiono is known as a palm oil tycoon who is now expanding into the sugarcane and bioethanol businesses. This is from the first sugarcane planting in Merauke with President Joko Widodo in July 2024. Also present here is Martias Fangiono's daughter, Wirastuty Fangiono. Wirastuty is one of the prominent members of the Fangiono family. In 2025, Forbes listed her as the youngest conglomerate owner with a fortune of approximately 1.37 billion US dollar controlling two business groups: F-A-P Agri and Surya Dumai Industri. Both are involved in palm oil and biodiesel industries. This father and daughter... ...are the main investors for Jokowi and Prabowo...
1:11:30 ...in their sugarcane and bioethanol projects in Papua. Meanwhile, this is Martua Sitorus, the owner of Wilmar International, a global agribusiness giant that also holds palm oil concessions in Papua through various subsidiaries. In Papua, Martua Sitorus is operating under a new flag, KPN Corporation or Karunia Prima Nastari. This KPN has a business connection with the Fangiono family for sugarcane projects in Merauke. Furthermore, the Wilmar group he co-founded... ...is a major sugar player in Australia. In 2010, Wilmar acquired 100 percent of Australia's largest sugar company, Sucrogen. This 1.5 billion US dollars acquisition
1:12:18 immediately made Wilmar one of the largest sugarcane player in the world. Some of the sugarcane seeds planted in Merauke are varieties developed by the Australian research institution, Sugar Research Australia. Sugar Research Australia signed a seed development contract with Fangiono's Global Papua Abadi Ltd. The problem is... ...the Sugar Research Australia is an institution... ...tasked with advancing the interest of sugarcane growers, and its funding partly comes from Australian taxpayers. This means Australians are funding the development of sugarcane seeds for investors and the Indonesian government in Papua. This document shows that the Australians-funded institution
1:13:04 once had a seed supply contract with Global Papua Abadi owned by the Fangiono family. That contract only expired in November 2024. This means that when President Jokowi and the Fangiono family... ...planted the sugarcane seeds in July 2024 the contract was still valid. Another member of this family is Ciliandra Fangiono, who in 2024 was named the youngest palm oil tycoon with a fortune of 2.3 billion US dollars, according to Forbes. He controls the First Resources group. Overall, the Fangiono family owns 20 companies in Sumatra, 32 in Kalimantan,
1:13:49 one in Jakarta, two in Singapore, and 25 in Papua. In West Papua, their companies are located in Sorong, Mappi, and Merauke. Indonesian politicians and government officials... ...continue to support these conglomerates... ...despite Martias Fangiono's 2007 sentence of 1.5 years... ...for illegal logging and illegal palm oil plantations. Meanwhile, in 2022, Wilmar was implicated in a palm oil export corruption case and was ordered to repay 705 million US Dollars in state losses. This pile of money is reportedly a payment from the Wilmar Group symbolically received by President Prabowo in June 2025.
1:14:36 Despite those corruption cases, the role of these global biodiesel and bioethanol giants in Indonesia will not decline. In fact, it is the opposite. A business presentation document... ...from Wilmar International Limited, dated 2010, provides a clue. This presentation was... ...part of the process of acquiring 100 percent of the shares... ...of Australian sugarcane giant, Sucrogen. In this presentation, Wilmar claimed to have been offered a 200,000-hectare land concession in Papua formerly known as Irian Jaya for growing sugarcane. With just 2.5 hours’ flight... ...from Sucrogen's offices in Townsville to Merauke, Wilmar would combine its sugar plantation and bioethanol businesses...
1:15:22 ...to become a global player. And the location Wilmar is targeting is the Ilwayab District in Merauke Yasinta Moiwend's home.. It was here... ...14 years later... ...that thousands of excavators from Haji Isam's Jhonlin Group started clearing the forest as the government contractor. Wilmar presented this business plan in July 2010. A month later, in August 2010, President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's administration launched the Merauke Integrated Food and Energy Estate project The target was... ...to clear one million hectares of land divided into five clusters... ...of 200,000 hectares each.
1:16:09 This was the same figure as Wilmar's presentation. Five years later in 2015, President Joko Widodo took over and continued the 1.2 million-hectare food and energy project. In his second term Joko Widodo accelerated the project and appointed General Prabowo as Minister of Defense in 2019. Jokowi then endorsed General Prabowo to run for presidency in 2024 with his son, Gibran Rakabuming Raka, as Vice President. Now, as a President, Prabowo Subianto pushes forward the bioethanol and biodiesel projects by mobilizing the military and involving officials who are also the elites of the political parties in his cabinet coalition.
1:17:59 300 years ago... ...the forests of Java... ...were quickly turned into sugarcane plantations under Dutch colonial rule. Javanese people were made to work as laborers and farmers were forced to grow sugarcane. Through colonialism and the policy of forced cultivation the Dutch enriched their country and its investors. Not satisfied with clearing forests for plantations in Java and Sumatra, the Dutch colonialists also planted sugarcane in Suriname and sent thousands of Javanese laborers there in 1890. The British, already controlling large countries... ...like India and Papua New Guinea continued to cultivate sugarcane far out in the Pacific Ocean,
1:18:45 in the land of the Fijians. And then transported tens of thousands of Indians there as laborers. Two hundred years earlier hundreds of thousands of Africans were even enslaved to work... ...on Spanish sugarcane plantations across southern Europe, the Caribbean, Cuba, and Jamaica. While sugarcane colonialism in the past was driven by the rush for sugar as white gold today the story of sugarcane colonialism continues in Papua for biofuel or bioethanol. As with all stories of colonialism... some have a big feast while some others have to pay the cost. And in every colonial feast whether in Java, the Caribbean, or Papua, there is always the involvement of local compradors
1:19:32 bureaucrats, military, as well as religious figures. But in every story of colonialism... ...there are always people who defend themselves... ...and fight back. We are made powerless; we are exterminated; we are fooled.
1:20:19 Throughout the history of the Catholic Church, many leaders have acted treacherously like Judas. This is true, as it is human. On the one hand, as human beings, they are tempted on their journey of faith, especially when they hold positions of power and are lured by many tempting offers. This is where their alignment shifts away from the church's mission, which should be for the people and the oppressed. They sent excavators. They sent soldiers. They sent police to beat us. We are not thieves. We have never stolen from others. We have never cried to other people. We have never cried to our fathers and mothers.
1:21:05 We cry to You, God. We are weak. Others come into our land and destroy our territory. We set up customary blockades like this, to reject any company entering our land. If we allow it, we will destroy our own land. Now we have the next generation where will they go? So today, this afternoon, we declare our stance: We reject it!
1:21:52 What the government is doing in this National Strategic Project (PSN) is a crime. The government is part of the crime, an actor destroying and killing the environment, forests, and the people. The state has become a killer, like Pontius Pilate. Who is Pilate now? The state, the Jakarta government. Awyu Land is not an empty land! Indigenous people still exist! Reject the company! This is our homeland! If our customary lands and forests are lost, where will we live? So here I want to say: The state, don't deceive us anymore!
1:23:15 Allah Yahwe! God Sambanim! God Wuliwa! If we, the people Papua, are considered part of the Republic, then please respect us. The National Strategic Project PSN, Jhonlin Group has encroached on our land and forest, destroying our nature! That's why we come all the way to Jakarta from Papua. We want to speak to President Prabowo Subianto Where is justice for the Papuan people?!
1:24:04 Please look at the Papuan people who are dying! Our member churches in Indonesia support indigenous people who reject national strategic projects in Papua. Churches in Indonesia reject militarism and authoritarianism in Indonesia...
1:24:51 We often feel that many bad things are history from the past And we now live in a better more civilized world or that committing crimes like in the past is impossible. We no longer execute people by beheading them. Instead, we shoot them or inject them with poison to induce sleep and death. But some things haven't really changed. One massacre that stands out in our memory is the nazi atrocities or the genocide in Rwanda. Yet, genocidal crimes are also happening in our time such as in Gaza, Palestine. We also consider the extermination of civilizations like the Native Americans in America
1:25:37 or the Aborigines in Australia to be a thing of the past. Now we consider ourselves better and more tolerant. Yet, the same process of extermination is taking place against the Melanesian people in West Papua. The same is true for colonialism. We think that colonialism like the one carried out by the Portuguese, British, or Dutch is now part of the history of the past And Indonesia is impossible to colonize. Yet, that's what's happening right now in Papua. Waropko District
1:26:30 Wilem Kimko realizes this historical trajectory in the interior of Boven Digoel, Papua. Living in a remote territory seemingly untouched by state influence doesn't always mean safety. To reach this place the Muyu people from other places have to walk up to two days through forests, valleys, and rivers. Including those who come from across the border of Papua New Guinea. They are coming together for a traditional feast called Awon Atatbon or a pig feast. The host is the Kimko Jinipjo clan. Wilem Kimko is the senior leader of this clan. He does not have any identity card or formal citizenship
1:27:16 neither from Indonesia nor Papua New Guinea. In 1984, 10,000 Papuans, including the Muyu fled to Papua New Guinea to escape Indonesian military operations including Willem kimko. What makes this pig feast special? How is it different from similar events attended by state officials, religious leaders, NGOs, or those recorded by television crews and content creators? First, to organize a pig feast the Muyu people need 10 years of preparation.
1:28:01 This is because the pigs for the feast cannot be bought at the market They must be raised by the organizers themselves. These pigs also can not be donated by government officials, churches, or NGOs. Second, these pigs aren't kept in cages Do these pigs have names? Harimau (tiger). Because its fur looks like a tiger, so we named it Harimau (tiger). After being named or initiated at a very young age they are released into the forest and live there
1:28:49 10 years later, when it's time for a feast hunters will search for them in the 479 hectares of the Kimko clan's forest. Other clans wouldn't steal them as they already have their own territories and raise their own pigs. That means every clan has to maintain their forest so their pigs can live. The same forest that provides them food like sago, taro, and various vegetables. Third, in the Awon Atatbon, or the pig feast, these animals are not eaten for free.
1:29:37 Each clan within the Muyu community will contribute to the host's efforts to protect the forest and raise pigs. Pig feasts serve as rotating savings and credit associations to preserve their culture and environment. It is part of Melanesian reciprocal culture and economy marked by a continuous cycle of giving and receiving. This is also how the Muyu people build and expand alliances. We must raise pigs
1:30:25 so that we can uphold our customary pig feasts (Atat) or simply for our daily meals. We cannot let outsiders come here and ask my children, "Where are your history and your roots?" We cannot let my children be unable to demonstrate their traditions. For then, those outsiders would say, "Get out of here." That is what is always on my mind. If Wilem Kimko and his clan can protect the forest and their territory other clans will benefit as part of the ecosystem And vice versa.
1:31:11 The fourth reason why this pig feast holds a special place in the lives of the Muyu community is... ...that Wilem Kimko fears their civilization could vanish due to the threats to their ecosystem and forest. People in each clan must consolidate themselves and build alliances. Wilem and the Muyu people's concern is valid. Their living space intersects with... ...the Indonesian government's bioethanol and biodiesel projects.
1:31:57 They also know what has been happening to other communities such as the Awyu and Wambon in Boven Digoel, or the Yei Nan and Marind Anim in Merauke. While other communities use red crosses and customary blockades as forms of resistance. The Muyu use the pig feast to prepare and consolidate themselves. Because, unlike the 1984 refugee crisis, this time those who come to the land of the Muyu are not only military. But also heavy equipment along with food and energy conglomerates.
1:34:04 I love my land, I love my people Day and night I guard my land, Papua Papua, my land. Day and night I guard my land, Papua
1:34:54 Papua, my land.
